Tuesday, March 27, 2012

AIFD President appointed to Government Commission: Dr. Zuhdi Jasser joins US Commission on International Religious Freedom

Statement
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
MEDIA CONTACTS:   
Gregg Edgar
Gordon C. James Public Relations
602-690-7977


AIFD President appointed to Government Commission
Dr. Zuhdi Jasser joins U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom


WASHINGTON, DC (March 27, 2012) – Dr. M. Zuhdi Jasser, a devout Muslim and the president and founder of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy (AIFD) has been appointed by the U.S. Congress to serve as Commissioner on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).  Dr. Jasser’s appointment was put forward by the Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell

Comprised of nine commissioners, USCIRF monitors and advocates for religious freedom abroad wherever that right is being abused. USCIRF also offers policy solutions to improve conditions at the critical juncture of foreign policy, national security, and international religious freedom standards. On March 20, the Commission issued its 2012 annual report which recommended to the Secretary of State that the Obama administration designate 16 nations as countries of particular concern under the International Religious Freedom Act. 

“I am humbled by the trust Senator McConnell has placed in me to serve on this very important commission. I am looking forward to serving and providing my perspective on the issues that come before the commission in order to protect and bring awareness to the abuse of religious freedom,” said Jasser. “I believe USCIRF’s mission is vital to bringing true national security to the United States and freedom to people all around the world.”

USCIRF is an independent, bipartisan U.S. federal government commission. USCIRF Commissioners are appointed by the President and the leadership of both political parties in the Senate and the House of Representatives. USCIRF’s principal responsibilities are to review the facts and circumstances of violations of religious freedom internationally and to make policy recommendations to the President, the Secretary of State and Congress.

To interview a USCIRF Commissioner, contact Paul Liben at Pliben@uscirf.gov or (703) 870-6041.


About the American Islamic Forum for Democracy
The American Islamic Forum for Democracy (AIFD) is a nonprofit 501(c)(3) charitable organization. AIFD’s mission advocates for the preservation of the founding principles of the United States Constitution, liberty and freedom, through the separation of mosque and state. For more information on AIFD, please visit our website at http://www.aifdemocracy.org/.

Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Politics & Iranian in-fighting

Velma Anne Ruth, M.Ed.
March 20, 2012


In 1999, I was studying to be an art therapist, researching criminology, when I was introduced to a violence reduction program inside Iran that addresses the dynamics of spirituality (freedom of religion), mental health, substance abuse, families, employment, education, nutrition, and related 'risk/need' areas towards local community stability. In 2001, I started an organization to address crime reduction in this fashion, was advised by my Iranian compatriot, and then 9/11 happened. When I learned that Iran was part of the attack, I said to myself, if my Iranian friends live in a country that could do something like that, my friends are in trouble. At that point, I committed to a 10 year goal of addressing counter-terrorism through justice and social means. In 2009, I 'stood' in the middle of the Iranian online revolution, protecting identities as information was coming out, and searching for ways to help. Human rights, international justice, coalition development, democracy development, anti-corruption research, starting an organization for Iranians, by December 2009, these are all areas where Iranians asked me for assistance. I said yes, still protecting identities in the course of organizing.  

This past year, I have been meeting with philanthropists, talking with various Iranian organizations and individuals to find out who would be interested to work together, at a certain level of professionalism and productivity that philanthropists would expect for long-term support. There's a plan, details are being worked out, and there is an overwhelming amount of interest from all sides, not withstanding some of the bridges that had to be burned in the process, for the sake of others safety, security, and comfortability. 

When I meet with potential financiers, they always, always complain about past experiences with Iranian in-fighting, saying the community will never come together, what's the use? Why should they give money to people who fight each other, instead of fight for the cause? I agree with them quite directly, but explain, it is the aggressive voices of the few with microphones that outcast the silenced secular democratic and human rights seeking majorities, it is justifiable conflicts against those who manipulate the movements towards enabling the regime and terrorism, it is protections of close-knit groups to preserve the unity that can be built, it is oppressive regimes imposing communications monitoring that is sooner met by torture and political imprisonment, and it is something that upsets the people inside Iran greatly. So to resolve, the priority is set on those groups with larger ties inside Iran, because they are the ones who are suffering for the rights to free speech, free press, freedom to organize, freedom of religion, and all the blessings we take for granted in the west. 

With full on advocacy, I ask if the financiers know who the greatest American compatriots are for the Iranian people? I say the Tea Party, and the financiers become shocked and perplexed. I explain, unfortunately liberal feminists do not advocate for women's rights in the Middle East, likely because they are conflicted into believing that the majority of peoples are Muslim and prefer oppression. They don't necessarily look into the eyes of a woman who is wearing a black veil, they don't necessarily see her deep fear, and they don't necessarily know what it means to comfort her by looking into her eyes as if to say, I understand, I see you there, I feel you, and whatever you feel or think is justified. 

I ask the financiers, do you know how the Tea Party is organized? It is much the same. For Tea Party, there are multiple national networks, multiple state and local networks, multiple groups, coalitions, and varied individuals. The national groups can affiliate with each other, any number of state and local groups, and individuals can participate in one or more groups. Some individuals don't affiliate with any Tea Party group, but they are observers, share principles, vote similarly on many issues, and show support for the Tea Party. I explain, the fighting between Tea Partiers and Democrats is not unlike the common debates between Iranians on varying sides of the political spectrum, it can get rash, inappropriate, offensive, but it is very normal, and very human. The only skeletal and hierarchical difference between Tea Party and Iranian opposition is that the Iranians have an international network. Glenn Beck recently explored Tea Party development in Europe, but he would have been better suited in the Middle East. 

Liberals could say that Democrats are organized the same way, and I would not disagree, I would not know. But I do know that many Tea Party groups want a national movement to support the secular democratic and human rights seeking opposition towards non-violent transition. They want their troops home, but want peace, not negligence in the Middle East.  Tea Party has admitted to having issues of Islamophobia, and wants to address it through education, which is very noble. They also want to provide advice to Middle Eastern and Iranian compatriots, to help support the grassroots style of their community organizing. If Democrats want to join in the advocacy, the more the merrier, because the Tea Party folks we talk to are bipartisan.  

However, it has been decades that the Middle Eastern and Iranian opposition have been organizing, uprising and being oppressed again, and still, the US Government does not successfully grasp nor engage with the majority peoples. For all the institutions in DC, all the charities, all the experts and academics concerned with Middle East and democracy, decades later, things still only get worse. Why?

In 2009, I was asked to help put together an organization for the opposition, by the opposition, so that they could speak for themselves. I believe in the people. I believe in the people's capacity to be their own experts, to speak on their own behalf, identify who they want to affiliate with, nominate their own leaders, engage in a democratic process under constitutional principles they have been drafting on their own for all these years. I think the largest mistake that Washington DC has made is that the experts have failed to listen to the people, to allow the people to lead and take back their own countries, have listened to the select few who engage in conflicts of interest and incite conflict, are afraid of what they don't understand, and are afraid of anarchy. The Iranian people and their Middle Eastern compatriots across the region are nothing to be afraid of, they want the same things that Americans want for themselves, they risk their lives to engage in western lifestyles underground, and their music is arguably deeper and more passionate than the US or Europe ever experienced in the 1960s, during our social revolution. 

In-fighting is a very normal, common part of democratic process, where media and social media campaigns are consuming, and passions for nations are on fire. There is a line, of course, which is also very healthy to consistently draw. If there are no boundaries, there are no guidelines, there are no common laws, and liberty continues to be trampled. However, leadership requires a higher level of campaigning, passion, language, setting standards by example, building unity for a shared vision, and coordinating opportunities for the masses. Whether it is the US government, financiers, the American people, institutions in Washington DC, or fellow Iranians, so long as there is a thread of professionalism and unity that joins as many people as possible, there can be change. 




Monday, March 12, 2012

Charter for Iranian Unity, Neda for a Free Iran (in Persian)


منشور فراگیر آزادیخواهان و فعالین جنبش مدنی در ایران


بنیاد "ندا برای یک ایران آزاد"میدان آزادی


کلیدی‌ترین درخواستها در جنبش ِنافرمانی های مدنی در ایران همانا برقراری حکومت قانون و تحقق عدالت می باشد. عدالتخواهی یکی از محوری‌ترین درخواستها ست که از "فقدان حکومت قانون" و از نبود ِیک سیستم ِتأمین اجتماعی در کشور نشئت می‌گیرد.
تامین آزادی‌های سیاسی، اجتماعی و فرهنگی؛ یعنی استقرار دموکراسی و نظم اجتماعی مدرن، بدون حکومت قانون میسر نمی شود. نظام مبتنی بر "حکومت قانون"، با موجودیت ِساختار های سیاسی- حقوقی در یک جامعه مردم-سالار ارتباط تنگاتنگ دارد. بدیگر سخن، رابطه‌ شهروندان با دستگاه سیاسی مستلزم تعریف در چارچوب یک قرارداد اجتماعی و مبتنی بر اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر است. نظامی که تن به حکومت قانون ندهد و حقوق شهروندان را در کنترل قدرت نپذیرد؛ لاجرم به تشدید ِروابط خشونت‌ در جامعه کمک می کند. البته حکومت قانون بدون برپائی یک دستگاه قضایی مدرن و عادلانه هرگز پایدار و مؤثر نخواهد ماند. 
پس از سه دهه نقد نظريه‌ی توطئه و آسیب شناسی ِ"سندرم" ِبيگانه هراسی و بيگانه ستيزی، هنوز ترهات بیت رهبری و روزنامه کیهان در ادبيات مارکسيستی و در گرایشات ایدئولوژیکی سازمان مجاهدین خلق  بازتاب دارد. در ادبيات دو-قطبی نگر ِچپ سنتی؛ اعم از مارکسیستی و اسلامی؛ دگر-اندیشان "ستون پنجم" معرفی می شوند و هماوا با خامنه‌ای از "دشمن" موهومی داد سخن می دهند و با توسل به نظريه‌هايی مثل "شبيخون فرهنگی" و "ناتوی فرهنگی" ناسزا پردازی و رجز-خوانی می کنند. روشنفکران و فعالان چپ ايرانی اعم از مذهبی و مارکسيست، نگرشی منفی نسبت به ايالات متحده و برخی کشورهای اروپای غربی در کوله بار خویش یدک می کشند و در کلی نگری هایشان تفاوتی ميان دولت فدرال و دولت‌های ايالتی و محلی قائل نمی شوند. آنها از اين حيث تفاوت چندانی با اسلامگرايانی که حامی جمهوری اسلامی هستند ندارند. روشنفکران چپ ايرانی بر اساس معيارهای دلبخواهی به نقد سياست خارجی کشورهای غربی می پردازند. آنها نتواسته‌اند هنوز جهت تشخیص دخالتهای بشر دوستانه از دخالتهای کشور گشايانه، سنجش های روشنی ارائه دهند.
البته باید خاطر نشان شد که کشورهای سکولار و دموکراتیک غربی از لحاظ حقوقی، بی عیب و نقص نیستند. منتهی در این جوامع؛ مطبوعات و رسانه‌ها بمثابه رکن چهارم دموکراسی؛ نقش مهمی در حفظ سلامت اجتماع ایفا می کنند. استقلال قوّه‌ی قضایه و وجود دادگستری‌ مستقل برای سلامت جامعه‌ی مدنی و برای حفظ دموکراسی امری حیاتی می باشد. همینطور وجود فضای سیاسی‌ چند صدایی؛ یعنی وجود احزاب و گروههای فشار ِمختلف برای برقراری و پایداری یک سیستم دمکراتیک واجد اهمیت بسیار است. لائیسیته از یکطرف یعنی پذیرش اصل جدائی دولت و سیستم سیاسی از دیانت و از طرف دیگر یعنی متکی کردن تصمیمات کشوری بر پایه قانونمداری و بر بنیان ِخرد ِآزاد بشری. لائیسیته در یک کلام یعنی اینکه دستگاه قانون گذار ناشی و برآمده از انتخاب آزاد مردم باشد.
در یک جامعه‌ی سالم و مبتنی بر آزادیهای مدنی، افشاگری و پیگیری‌ قانونی، امری الزامی تلقی شده و نظام دمکراتیک بر انتخاب و اراده آزاد شهروندان متکی می باشد. در جامعه‌ دموکراتیک و در فضای سالم، هیچ چیز «مقدس» و نقدناپذیر نیست. مسئله‌ اصلی‌ جوامع باز و آزاد این نیست که دمکراسی سیستمی است خالی از بحران و فاقد نقص. مسئله اینجاست که یک سیستم مردم-سالار، هر آینه توان حل بحران و ارتقا به مدارج توسعه یافته تر ِفرهنگی را در درونش نهفته دارد.
در راستای تحقق دمکراسی در ایران، واکاوی رویدادهای ۳۳ ساله‌ گذشته و شروع مقدمات برای محاکمه عاملان و آمران جنایت‌ و متجاوزان در ایران امری ضروری است. در این راستا، می‌توان به تلاشگران و وکلای حقوق بشری اشاره کرد که مراحل نخستین جمع آوری اسناد را جهت ایجاد کمیسیون های "حقیقت-یاب و آشتی ملّی" فراهم آورده و پی‌گیرانه موارد نقض حقوق بشر در ایران را دنبال می‌کنند. 
بمنظور احتراز از تکرار خشونت هائی که بعد از جابجائی قدرت در انقلاب ۱۳۵۷ صورت گرفت؛ کنشگران مدنی و مدافعین حقوق بشر در ایران ‌برآنند تا با تشکیل کمیته‌های حقیقت‌یاب و دادگاه‌های ذیصلاح ِبین‌المللی؛ از هم اکنون شرایط محاکمه‌ قانونی ِهمه‌ عاملان و آمران جنایات را برای ایران آزاد فردا مهیا کنند. همانگونه که هانا آرنت درباره‌ دادرسی نورنبرگ می‌گوید: اهمیت "عفو و بخشش" در درجه اوّل منوط به معلوم کردن دقیق نام متولیان و موارد نقض حقوق بشر است. یک سیستم‌ قضایی مدرن، "بخشش" را طبعاً وقع می نهد؛ در حالیکه نبود حکومت قانون؛ جامعه‌ را بتدریج به سمت لجام گسیختگی اخلاقی و هرج و مرج پیش می برد. چرا که فقدان حکومت قانون، به تبلور آشکار خشونت می انجامد. 
بیش از ۱۰۰ سال است که درخواست حکومت قانون در تاریخ ایران مطرح است. از صدر انقلاب مشروطیت، کلیدی‌ترین مطالبات مردم، همانا تشکیل عدالتخانه و برپائی مردم-سالاری بوده است. درخواست‌های جنبش ِمشروطیت، هنوز مبان شرط‌های شکل‌گیری یک جامعه‌ مدنی در ایران را تشکیل می دهد. بدون حکومت قانون و بدون تحت کنترل درآوردن نظام ِقدرت، جامعه‌ مدنی وجود خارجی نخواهد یافت.
برخورد یک‌بُعدی در ضدیت با دیکتاتوری و امپریالیسم و بدون رویکرد ِحقوق بشری، همانا بیراه ای بود که با انقلاب آناکرونیستی ایران در سال 1357 پایان یافت. اینکه مبارزه علیه امپریالیسم توأمان و در کنار مبارزه علیه دیکتاتوری باید به پیش برده شود؛ یک نوع موضع‌گیری‌ مغلوط به‌معنای اخص کلمه ست که خاطره اش را به بایگانی تاریخ باید سپرد. 
امروز، رفتارهای هنجار-ستیز در جامعه دین-مدار ایران میتواند پیآمدهای سیاسی ناگواری در پی داشته باشد. دو-آلیسم ِ"خودی و ناخودی" که روحانییت برای اِعمال هژمونی دینی خود بر ارکان دولت و نیز بر بدنه جامعه مدنی از آن استفاده می کند؛ دیگر هر گونه وجاهت ِاندیشگانی را فاقد شده است. متأسفانه سکولار های اقتدارگرا بصورت تقلیل گرایانه و در رویاروئی های دو-قطبی-نگر، هراس خود را از بنیادگرایی دینی؛ به اصلاح طلبان دینی نیز بسط می دهند. سکولار هائی که اقتدارطلبانه، نقش لیبرالهای دینی را در برقراری یک سیستم دموکراتیک برای ایران فردا انکار می کنند، در واقع خود موجب تقویت و ایجاد بنیادگرائی می شوند. چرا که به ازای تولید هر هژمونی ِغیر دمکراتیک، بنیادگرائی نفس تازه کرده؛ بر شدت اِعمال فشار می افزاید. نباید فراموش کرد که در ایران امروز، بنیادگرائی و جلوه های گوناگونش(از قبیل سلطنت-طلبی، پان-ایرانیسم و سکولارهای اقتدارگرا) در برابر بنیادگرایی اسلامی، مارکسیسم بنیادگرا و فمینیسم رادیکال همانا اشکال جدیدتری از ایدئولوژی های نارسیسسیستیک محسوب می شوند.
باری، تجربه های سازش با رژیم جمهوری نشان داده است که هیچگونه اصلاح و تعدیلی از درون همانا زهی خیال باطل است. رژیم تمامیت-خواه و فاسد موجود نه تنها در صحنه بین المللی؛ بلکه در روابط درونی و با اپوزیسیون خودی نیز خشونت-ستیزانه برخورد می کند. همه اینها گویای آنست که نظریه استحاله دیگر واجد کارکردی در مورد رژیم جمهوری اسلامی نمی باشد. در این راستا، ضرورت ایجاد یک ائتلاف بزرگ با روشنفکران دینی به منزله ارائه آگاهی کاذب یا صرفاً به معنای ایدئولوژی پردازی نیست. روشنفکران دینی با تاکید بر نقش تاریخی و ناسازگاری‌های سنت با زندگی متجدد، به انتخاب در سنت دست می‌زنند. بنابراین آنان ممانعت ایدئولوژیکی در جهت شناخت سنّت یا در جهت ِتکوین اندیشه تاریخی ایجاد نکرده و پرده بر واقعیت تاریخی نمی‌کشند. روشنفکر دینی سنّت را مؤید تجّدد وصف نمی کند و نیز به تحمیل تجدّد به سنّت نمی‌پردازد، بلکه به بررسی ضرورت و لوازم تجدّد در سنّت می پردازد. روشنفکر دینی با دعوت مخاطب به شناسایی دین بعنوان امر تاریخی، از او می‌خواهد با خرد انتقادی به غور در سنت بپردازد تا ابزار و شرایط توسعه متوازن فراهم آید. 
جنبش خرداد ۸۸ آغازگر راهبُِردی بر اساس ِدمکراسی، تکثر و برابریهای حقوقی شد. منتهی شرایط همچنان مستلزم پیشبرد گذار خشونت-گریز بمنظور برپائی یک نظام دموکراتیک و مبتنی بر آزادی و حقوق بشر است. ارگانهای مدنی بنیادگرا-ستیز، رسالت شان تقویت ِمسیر ِگذار ِمسالمت آمیز از سنت به مدرنیته می باشد. جامعهء سیاسی ایران برای تقویت اندیشه مدرن بیش از پیش؛ نیازمند احزاب دمکراتیک و مرتبط با پایگاه های اجتماعی است. خوشبختانه مبارزین مدنی اکنون از هر گونه کاربُرد خشونت اعم از: "ترور و مبارزه مسلحانه" و نیز از هر نوع توجیح ِضرورت ِتقاص و انتقام-گیری تبَری جسته اند. آنها برای برپائی ِنظامی مردم-سالار و در راستای جدایی دین و دولت؛ خواستار اتحادی بزرگ میان همه گروههای آزاد-اندیش اعم از: مجاهدین خلق، سوسیالیستهای دمکرات، مشروطه-خواهان ِدمکرات و ملّی-مذهبی های دمکرات هستند. در واقع، حکومت قانون جزء لایتجزای مبارزات خشونت‌پرهیز و از مصادیق مبارزات دموکراسی‌خواهی مردم ایران محسوب می شود. 
این درست که امروز مجاهدین خلق سازمانی بزرگ و حامیانی شوریده و آرمان-خواه دارد و نیز این درست که آنان خواستار نظامی مردم-سالار و مبتنی بر اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر هستند؛ آری اینها همه و همه قبول؛ منتهی مسأله اساسی اینست که مجاهدین آیا همکاری با گروههای دگر-اندیش را برمی تابند یا اینکه همچنان دُن کیشوت وار بر طبل هَل مَن حَریف می کوبند و از ضرورت اتحادی بزرگ و رویکردی خشونت-گریز تن می زنند. تبارشناسی شعارها و درخواستها در ایران، همچنان برقراری ِآزادیهای شهروندی و مردم-سالاری ست که همانا آرزوی دیرینه جنبش مشروطیت می باشد. ایجاد جبهه‌ای سرتاسری در ایران قابلیت آنرا دارد که اکثریتی از مشروطه-خواهان ِدمکرات تا روشنفکران لیبرال و از ملی-گرایان سکولار تا سازمان های چپ دمکرات و گروه های سوسیال دموکرات را حول یک برنامه حداقل در کنار هم گرد آورد.
ضعف خیره کننده جنبش مردمی در ایران ناشی از عدم وحدت میان نیروهای همسو است. گریز از تشکیل جبهه واحد ِضد ِولایت فقیه، همانا چشم اسفندیار جنبش در ایران محسوب می شود. اینک گرفتار در چنبر ِگریزناپذیر ِگذار، جامعه‌ ما هر آینه آبستن دگردیسگی و بحرانهای ساختار-شکن است. در معبر ِگذار از سنت به تجدد و از استبداد به مردمسالاری و نیز در سیتزی نابرابر، همانا کشتی-نشستگانیم؛ گرفتار در تندباد ِحوادث‌. 
ما همه مردم آزادیخواه و همه فعالین جنبش های اعتراضی علیه جمهوری اسلامی را به پیوستن به یک اتحاد ملّی و سرتاسری فرامیخوانیم. مفاد و اهداف یک منشور عمومی باید تضمين کننده این اتحاد بزرگ و نیز دربرگیرنده آزادیها، رفاه و برابرى در ایران باشد. مفاد مندرج در اعلامیه جهانی حقوق بشر بعلاوه کنوانسیون های الحاقی می تواند پایه و اساس تدوین قانون اساسی جدید در ایران قرار گیرد. علاوه بر برابری های مدنی، مبانی عدالت اجتماعی نیز ضرورت دارد که در قانون اساسی نوین لحاظ شود. ما در بنیاد "ندا"، اصول و موارد زیر را بعنوان فصل مشترک همه گروهها و سازمانهای سیاسی مدافع حقوق بشر در ایران پیشنهاد می کنیم:

١- خلع ید از رژیم ولایت فقیه ٢- بازداشت، رسیدگی و محاکمه عادلانه و علنی مسئولین و سران متجاوزگر علیه مبانی حقوق بشر و نیز در رابطه با دستبرد به خزانه کشور-بدون هر گونه گرایش به انتقام گیری ٣- انحلال فوری وزارت اطلاعات و همه نهادهای امنیتی و سرکوبگر ِفراقانونی مانند بسیج ٤- انحلال دولت، مجلس و قوه قضائیه ٥- الغای قانون اساسی موجود و اعلام برپائی مجلس موقت مؤسسان برای تنظیم و ارائه قانون اساسی جدید.
افزون بر موارد بالا، احکام زیر بلافاصله به مورد اجرا گذاشته خواهند شد: ١- آزادی فوری و بی قید و شرط کلیه زندانیان سیاسی و عقیدتی ٢- لغو مجازات اعدام ٣- لغو حجاب اجباری و جداسازی جنسیتی و نیز الغای همه قوانین تبعیض آمیز علیه زن و زنانگی ٤- آزادی کامل عقاید ومذاهب و نیز استیفای حقوق برابر برای دگرباشان جنسیتی ٥- اعلام آزادیهای مدنی اعم از آزادی عقیده، بیان، اجتماعات، مطبوعات، تظاهرات، اعتصاب، تشکل و تحزب ٦- برسمیت شناسی حقوق مساوی برای همه شهروندان کشور مستقل از مذهب، زبان، قومیت، جنسیت، ملیت و تابعیت ٧- آزادی فرهنگی و برقراری یک سیستم خود-گردانی برای همه اقوام ایرانی در چارچوب حفظ ِوحدت کشور  ٨- افزایش حقوق کارمندان و کارگران متناسب با سطح هزینه ها، آزادی اتحادیه های صنفی و حمایت در برابر بیکاری 9- ایجاد سیستم تأمین اجتماعی، رسیدگی های رایگان پزشگی و نیز برپائی سیستم آموزش و پرورش مجانی تا سطح دیپلم.

Syrian Christians Rise, Unite to Oust Assad - Bridget Johnson, feat Syrian Christians for Democracy


Pajamas Media: By Bridget Johnson, March 8, 2012

Summary: "Syrian Christians for Democracy was launched in December, nine months after the Syrian revolution began in earnest. In addition to uniting Christians on the ground in opposition to Assad, the organization wanted Christians inside and outside Syria — who have offered lots of support to the group — to know that they have someone to speak for them. 'You will have a voice outside this country,' [George] Stifo said. 'You will have a voice in the future as well. We don’t want you to feel isolated and alone in this fight. Those of you who are fighting, you have an ally, and those of you who are not fighting, if you decide to, we are here to help.'" 8,500 people have been massacred in Syria. "'It’s a really bad situation over there right now,' Francis said. 'People need food, they need medicine, they have no clothes, they have no blankets to cover themselves.' .. 'Nobody helps — real help — just the Syrian community outside,' he added."



More Information: 

Syrian Christians for Democracy
Local Coordination Committees of Syria
All4Syria Bulletin





But international help is not on the revolutionaries' side: "For us, the inaction of this administration is as bad as the actions of the Russians," one said.

Pajamas Media: By Bridget Johnson, March 8, 2012

On a rainy Friday in Washington, I gathered with passionate members of a Syrian opposition group representing a minority whose voices must be heard in the revolution and in the new Syria.

What, I asked the Syrian Christians for Democracy assembled around tables pushed together in the lounge of the Hotel George, is the one thing that Americans need to know about Bashar al-Assad?

“He’s killing kids,” Maroneh native and Boston diaspora leader Essam Francis answered succinctly.

As Christians, as Syrians, these activists were brought together by the bloodshed sown by the brutal regime that has slain about 8,500, according to the latest United Nations estimates, including the massacre of entire families this week in Homs — 16 members of the Tahhan family, 20 of the Rifaei family, and more, according to the chilling reports of the Local Coordination Committees of Syria.

“Each member of the organization was against the regime on his own,” said Roy Tohme, secretary for the group. “Most of our members are veterans against Assad.”

That includes Jries Altalli, who spent nine years as a political prisoner and whose daughter is a member of the Syrian National Council; Walid Phares, who is advising the fledgling organization; and George Stifo, communications director for the group, president of the Assyrian Democratic Organization, and a member of the SNC (which is about 8-10 percent Christian).

“Many of the Christians in the Middle East were terrified of the results, seeing what happened in countries such as Iraq and Libya and Egypt,” Stifo said. “It began to scare them of what could happen also in Syria. So we saw a lot of the Christians staying out of this completely.”

He said that it’s not true that the majority of Christians in Syria back the regime, but remained a “silent majority” out of uncertainty about the present and future.

“Our organization looked at this and said, well, it’s taking so long for Christians to make a move,” Stifo said. “We are with the revolution, and the regime was using this claim that Christians were backing them, that the minorities are all with the regime, and using this as leverage for them to stay in power.”

“So we decided to show that, no, the majority of Christians are not with the regime.”

The SCD was launched in December, nine months after the Syrian revolution began in earnest. In addition to uniting Christians on the ground in opposition to Assad, the organization wanted Christians inside and outside Syria — who have offered lots of support to the group — to know that they have someone to speak for them.

“You will have a voice outside this country,” Stifo said. “You will have a voice in the future as well. We don’t want you to feel isolated and alone in this fight. Those of you who are fighting, you have an ally, and those of you who are not fighting, if you decide to, we are here to help.”

The new constitution put forth by Assad last month, which the regime claims was overwhelmingly approved, “treats Christians as second- or third-class citizens,” he added. “It has pushed the Christians to look past this regime.”

The members said that Muslims in the revolution have been supportive of the group’s founding.

“Muslims are also very helpful, very receptive, understanding,” Stifo said, even “joyful to see a group of non-Muslims saying openly, we are against this regime in support of the revolution. It gave them hope that, OK, the regime is saying that minorities are with them; it’s not true.”

“It’s a mutually beneficial relationship,” Tohme said, adding that they might not be best friends and will probably have to democratically duke it out in the new Syria. “We may have our diverging views of what the future Syria looks like.”

Francis noted that the support publicly shown for the opposition by al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri actually looks like a ploy to aid Assad.

“The Syrian regime helped al-Qaeda kill Americans in Iraq,” he said. “For al-Zawahiri to say something against the Syrian regime is not right. He did a favor for the regime to do that. He gave them reason to kill a lot more people.”

Executive director Ayman Abdel Nour said that the regime met several months into the uprising, when it found itself under fire for killing innocent, unarmed civilians, and decided to lay government weapons at the doorsteps of some of the country’s citizens along with some nasty rumors.

“They tell the minorities that the Muslim Sunnis are coming to kill you in order to change the civil unarmed demonstrations in the streets into clash with rebels,” Abdel Nour said of Assad’s plan “to make them all fractions against each other and forget about it.”

“It is invented by the regime and it will die with the regime,” he said.

The regime quickly latched onto the new Christian organization that brings together the 11 sects living in the country, attacking the SCD as Zionist, American, CIA, you name it.

One anonymous member of the SCD board is a Local Coordination Committees member inside of Syria. “We’re their shopping list,” Tohme said. As the LCC feeds information about what’s happening within Syria, groups such as the SCD coordinate the acquisition and smuggling of medical and communication supplies.

“It’s a really bad situation over there right now,” Francis said. “People need food, they need medicine, they have no clothes, they have no blankets to cover themselves.”

“Nobody helps — real help — just the Syrian community outside,” he added.

The board used the Washington trip to meet with the State Department and launch fundraisers within the Syrian diaspora in cities around the country.

In fact, Abdel Nour, also editor-in-chief of the All4Syria Bulletin, dashed late into the gathering fresh from securing a promise of medicine and physicians from an NGO, including psychological help for Syrians who have suffered torture or witness their families killed.

“That’s one of the reasons why we exist,” he said.

But the frustration shared by Syrian activists, Muslim and Christian alike, is the real hesitancy of the international community to act or fully acknowledge the wholesale slaughter that is going on inside their country.

“The frustration grows because the Syrian people have to fight the entire world,” Tohme said. “We have to fight the Russian veto, the Chinese veto, the Iranian weaponry — so many things stacked against you and so many people trying to make you fail.”

“The frustration comes from seeing now on a daily basis these videos of tens of children dying,” Stifo said. “People being killed and tortured, it brings even more frustration. Why isn’t anybody doing anything? It’s really painful when you know that some of your countrymen who might be relatives even are dying. It brings this feeling of people don’t care and that even hurts more.”

Tohme stressed that the more this frustration brews, “the more radicalized this is going to become.”

“Then you become a totally different kind of revolution that we don’t feel we can win on our own terms,” he said. “We want to win on our own terms as Christians and as Syrians. That’s why we’re trying to put this to bed before we get to the point where people are so frustrated they’re not even going to care how they’re going to do it, even if it means embracing jihadism.”

“We are frustrated but we continue fighting because this is our war,” Abdel Nour said, “not the international community’s. We will continue this with the support of our people and our belief in Syria.”

A common refrain among Syrians, members of the group noted, is how much quicker countries would be to come to their aid if their blood was oil.

“It’s like one Libyan is worth 10 Syrians,” Tohme said.

With one victory this week on Capitol Hill — the unanimous passage of a bill in the House Foreign Affairs Committee strengthening sanctions against the Syrian regime and imposing new measures against the energy and financial sectors  — Syrians got yet another kick in the teeth from the United Nations today after UNESCO refused to throw Damascus off its human-rights committee.

Waiting for help from the White House is also an uphill battle for the opposition.

Ahed Al Hendi, who was imprisoned and tortured by the regime as a student dissident and fled Syria four years ago, blames the election year “for this stagnation, this lack of decision from this administration.”

“There are a lot of good senators and congressmen who want to take U.S. aid to the Syrian revolution to the next level,” he said. “I like a lot about President Obama, but in foreign affairs issues he is not good.”

Al Hendi noted that U.S. Ambassador to Syria Robert Ford was welcomed with flowers when he visited Hama, a very conservative city, a few months into the protests. Now, he opined, Ford probably wouldn’t get the same reception from the suffering Syrians.

“Now people are looking at the U.S. like they’re looking at Russia,” he said. “Even worse. Why? The reason is, Russia is doing what they are saying: We are with Assad, period. The U.S. is only talking. We know there are a lot of efforts done by the U.S. But so far it’s only talking. People are still being killed on a daily basis.”

“We need a president who is as faithful to his friends as Putin is to his own friends, or else don’t pretend that we should be friends,” Tohme said. “We know this administration still has a lot of cards it can play; they’re still holding on to them and we don’t know why.

“For us, the inaction of this administration is as bad as the actions of the Russians.”

Bassam Bitar, director of SCD’s board of trustees, is a co-founder of the Syrian American Network for Activists and Dissidents and a board member of the Syrian Expatriates Foundation for Democracy.

“We are not asking for anything but our dignity, our freedom, our democracy,” Bitar said, “and I don’t see the American administration offer anything concrete.”

It’s been almost a year since the start of the revolution, he noted, and how much more time is the White House willing to let go by?

“Just because it is election time in the United States… I feel we are like second-class citizens, like nobody exists,” Bitar said. “It would be better at this time for Obama or any presidential candidate to talk about Syria, to do something.”

“Assad is not just the enemy of the Syrian people, he’s is the enemy of the American people,” Al Hendi said. “He’s caused a lot of damage to America as well. Think of what he’s done in Iraq, the terrorist groups that were sent to Iraq and had their headquarters in Syria.”

“It’s not only a humanitarian thing, it’s also more for the interests of the U.S.,” he said of intervention. “I think the Congress should be more serious about that.”

Tohme said what the revolution needs is the establishment of just one safe haven or safe zones, preferably along the Turkish border, where civilians can shelter and organize.

“And the Syrian people can take it from there,” he said.

Abdel Nour advocates three things to move the revolution forward. First, “at least least balance Russian, Chinese, Iranian support” for Damascus with opposition support in Washington.

“There should be a balance between the people who are supporting Assad and the people who are supporting the freedom, the values, the human rights,” he said.

Second, leave the campaign season out of it. “This should be nonpartisan,” Abdel Nour said. “There should be a joint declaration from the Democrats and Republicans that this will not be used against each other in the election campaign.”

And finally, make sure that the next government in Syria guarantees the rights of minorities to stem the fear that the fall of Assad means the end of Syrian diversity.

The Muslim Brotherhood, which is currently a member of the SNC, couldn’t get more than 50 percent in a new parliament, Abdel Nour predicted.

“So we are not afraid of this,” he said. “Syria is a totally different society than Egypt and any other countries. … We believe all Syrians believe in diversity; they have lived together for thousands of years and they’re not going to change this because of Assad.”

“As Christians, we are members of the society,” Abdel Nour added. “We give martyrs in this revolution.”

Tohme said one of the biggest misconceptions Americans have about the revolution is “that the Syrian people are not ready to rule themselves after Assad.”

“I’ve never heard that people around the world need to take a maturity test before winning a revolution,” he said. “That’s not how things happen. You depose whatever is killing you now.”

As a revolutionary group united by faith and representing a religious minority in the land where Aramaic, the language of Jesus, is still spoken, Stifo said they cannot sit by and watch Assad’s massacres.

“Christianity teaches us to always be with the helpless, to help them against those who are killing them,” he said. “We cannot see how any Christian would not back or not support those who are in need right now, those who are suffering, those who are starving, those who are being killed.”

“We’re human beings,” Francis said. “Assyrian, Muslim, Druze, whatever, we need somebody to protect us from Syrian regime.”


Tuesday, March 6, 2012

Kahlili on Obama, Iran's nukes, negotiation, Syria and Hezbollah


Please see recent articles by Reza Kahlili concerning Obama, Iran's nuclear program, negotiation, Syria and Hezbollah


Iranian expert: Fully operational Fordow nuke facility Iran's trump card
Daily Caller: By Reza Kahlili, March 5, 2012


Iran, Syria, Hezbollah threaten military attack
WND: By Reza Kahlili, March 5, 2012


Iranian analysis confirms intent to attack America
Daily Caller: By Reza Kahlili, March 1, 2012


Defense minister warns about Iran's 'secret weapons'
WND: By Reza Kahlili, February 29


Obama, Iran in secret nuclear deal
Daily Caller: By Reza Kahlili, February 27


More articles by Reza Kahlili: www.ATimeToBetray.com